Substances and Mixture

A pure substance: †¢ contains atoms of only one kind. †¢ It has fixed  physical and chemical properties  like boiling point, melting point, valency, density   †¢ contains only one chemical identity, e. g. one element or one compound. †¢ cannot be separated into 2 or more substances by physical or mechanical means †¢ is homogeneous, ie, has uniform composition throughout the whole sample †¢ its properties are constant throughout the whole sample †¢ its properties do not depend on how it is prepared or purified †¢ has constant chemical compositionPure Substances Elements and compounds  are both examples of pure substances. Pure substances cannot be separated into simpler substances by physical or mechanical means such as sifting, filtering, crystallization, distillation, etc. eg, distilling pure water (H2O) does not separate water into hydrogen and oxygen, it only produces water vapour. Pure substances display a sharp melting and boiling point. On a graph of temperature vs time, this is shown as flat line where the temperature does not change over time until all the pure substance has melted or boiled.A mixture: †¢ can be separated into 2 or more substances by physical or mechanical means †¢ contain more than one chemical substance †¢ displays the properties of the pure substances making it up †¢ its composition can be varied by changing the proportion of pure substances making it up †¢ they do not have a fixed composition †¢ heterogeneous substances, ones with non-uniform composition throughout the sample, are always mixtures Mixtures Some examples of mixtures are given below: Type of Mixture |Example | |gas in gas |The atmosphere is a mixture of gases, mostly nitrogen and oxygen. | |[pic] | |liquid in liquid |Wine is a mixture of mostly ethanol and water. | |[pic] | |solid in solid |Alloys, such as brass, are made up of a mixture of metals. |[pic] | |gas in liquid |Soft drinks, su ch as cola, are mixtures of mainly carbon dioxide gas and water. | |[pic] | |solid in liquid |Sea Water is a mixture of salts dissolved in water. | |[pic] | |solid in gas |Smoke is mixture of tiny solid particles in atmospheric gases. |Homogeneous mixtures do not display a sharp melting point, they melt over a range of temperatures. Sharpness of the melting point is often used to determine whether a substance is pure or impure (mixture) On a temperature vs time graph there is no flat line during which the temperature remains constant over time. Instead, there will be a slope indicating that the components of the mixture are melting Mixtures can be separated into the pure substances making them up by physical or mechanical means because each pure substance retains its own properties.Separating the Components of a Mixture Most laboratory work in biology requires the use of techniques to separate the components of mixtures. This is done by exploiting some property that distinguishes the components, such as their relative †¢ size †¢ density †¢ solubility †¢ electrical charge Dialysis Dialysis is the separation of small  solute  molecules or ions (e. g. , glucose, Na+, Cl-) from macromolecules (e. g. , starch) by virtue of their differing rates of  diffusion  through a differentially permeable membrane. An example:Cellophane is perforated with tiny pores that permit ions and small molecules to pass through but exclude molecules with  molecular weights  greater than about 12,000. If we fill a piece of cellophane tubing with a mixture of starch and sugar and place it in pure water, the sugar molecules (red dots) will diffuse out into the water until equilibrium  is reached; that is, until their concentration is equal on both sides of the membrane. Because of their large size, all the starch (blue disks) will be retained within the tubing. Chromatography Chromatography is the term used for several techniques for separating the compo nents of a mixture.Follow the links below for examples. Electrophoresis Electrophoresis uses a direct electric current to separate the components of a mixture by the differing  electrical charge. Some methods for separating the components of a mixture include: |separation technique |property used for separation |example | |Sifting (sieving) |particle size |alluvial gold is separating from smaller soil particles using a sieve | |[pic] |Visual Sorting |colour, shape or size |gold nuggets can be separated from crushed rock on the basis of colour | |[pic] | |Magnetic Attraction |magnetism |magnetic iron can be separated from non-magnetic sulfur using a magnet | |[pic] | |Decanting |density or solubility |liquid water can be poured off (decanted) insoluble sand sediment | | | |less dense oil can be poured off (decanted) more dense water | |[pic] | |Separating Funnel |density of liquids |in a separating funnel, less dense oil floats on top of more dense water, when | | | |the valve i s open the water can be poured out from under the oil | |[pic] | |Filtration |solubility |insoluble calcium carbonate can be separated from soluble sodium chloride in | | | |water by filtration | |[pic] | |Evaporation |solubility and boiling point |soluble sodium chloride can be separated from water by evaporation | |[pic] | |Crystallization |solubility |slightly soluble copper sulfate can be separated from water by crystallization | |[pic] | |Distillation |boiling point |ethanol (ethyl alcohol) can be separated from water by distillation because | | | |ethanol has a lower boiling point than water | Element ? Any substance that contains only one kind of an atom ? Elements are made up of  atoms, the smallest particle that has any of the properties of the element. John Dalton, in 1803, proposed a modern theory of the atom based on the following assumptions. |1. Matter is made up of atoms that are indivisible and indestructible. | |2. All atoms of an element are identical. | |3.A toms of different elements have different weights and different chemical properties. | |4. Atoms of different elements combine in simple whole numbers to form compounds. | |5. Atoms cannot be created or destroyed. When a compound decomposes, the atoms are recovered unchanged | ? cannot be broken down into simpler substances ? is a chemical substance that is made up of a particular kind of atoms and hence cannot be broken down or transformed by a chemical reaction into a different element, though it can be transmitted into another element through a  nuclear reaction. ? all of the atoms in a sample of an element have the same number of protons, though they may be different  isotopes, with differing numbers of neutrons. elements can be divided into three categories that have characteristic properties: metals, nonmetals, and semimetals ? Some properties of an element can be observed only in a collection of atoms or molecules of the element. These properties include color, density, m elting point, boiling point, and thermal and electrical conductivity. ? While some of these properties are due chiefly to the electronic structure of the element, others are more closely related to properties of the nucleus, e. g. , mass number. Compounds †¢ The relative proportions of the elements in a compound are fixed. †¢ . Two or more elements combined into one substance through a  chemical reaction form a  chemical compound.All compounds are substances, but not all substances are compounds. †¢ The components of a compound do  not  retain their individual properties. Both sodium and chlorine are poisonous; their compound, table salt (NaCl) is absolutely essential to life. †¢ Properties of compound is different from the elements that made it up †¢ The mass of the compound is determined by the mass of the elements that made it up. †¢ Compounds cannot be separated by physical means: using magnet, filtration, etc. It takes large inputs of energ y to separate the components of a compound Compounds can be broken back into elements by chemical reaction, exposure to light, etc. When compounds are formed heat and light is given out or absorbed. †¢ Compounds  are homogeneous forms of matter. Their constituent  elements  (atoms and/or ions) are always present in fixed proportions (1:1 depicted here). The elements can be divided into three categories that have characteristic properties: 1. Metals 2. Nonmetals 3. Metalloids Most elements are metals, which are found on the left and toward the bottom of the periodic table. A handful of nonmetals are clustered in the upper right corner of the periodic table. The semimetals can be found along the dividing line between the metals and the nonmetals Properties of an element are sometimes classed as either chemical or physical.Chemical properties are usually observed in the course of a chemical reaction, while physical properties are observed by examining a sample of the pure el ement. The chemical properties of an element are due to the distribution of electrons around the atom's nucleus, particularly the outer, or valence, electrons; it is these electrons that are involved in chemical reactions. A chemical reaction does not affect the atomic nucleus; the atomic number therefore remains unchanged in a chemical reaction. Some properties of an element can be observed only in a collection of atoms or molecules of the element. These properties include color, density, melting point, boiling point, and thermal and electrical conductivity. While some of hese properties are due chiefly to the electronic structure of the element, others are more closely related to properties of the nucleus, e. g. , mass number. The elements are sometimes grouped according to their properties. One major classification of the elements is as  metals,  nonmetals, and metalloids. Elements with very similar chemical properties are often referred to as families; some families of eleme nts include the halogens, the inert gases, and the alkali metals. In the  periodic table  the elements are arranged in order of increasing atomic weight in such a way that the elements in any column have similar properties. Chemical properties Chemical properties of elements and compounds Atomic number  Ã¢â‚¬â€œÃ‚  Atomic mass  Ã¢â‚¬â€œÃ‚  Electronegativity according to Pauling  Ã¢â‚¬â€œÃ‚  Density  Ã¢â‚¬â€œÃ‚  Melting point  Ã¢â‚¬â€œÃ‚  Boiling point  Ã¢â‚¬â€œÃ‚  Vanderwaals radius  Ã¢â‚¬â€œÃ‚  Ionic | |radius  Ã¢â‚¬â€œÃ‚  Isotopes  Ã¢â‚¬â€œÃ‚  Electronic schell  Ã¢â‚¬â€œÃ‚  Energy of first ionisation  Ã¢â‚¬â€œÃ‚  Energy of second ionisation  Ã¢â‚¬â€œÃ‚  Standard potential | |Atomic number | | | |The atomic number indicates the number of protons within the core of an atom. The atomic number is an important concept of chemistry and | |quantum mechanics. An element and its place within the  periodic table  are derived from this concept. |When an atom is generally electrically neutral, the atomic number will equal the number of electrons in the atom, which can be found around | |the core. These electrons mainly determine the chemical behaviour of an atom. Atoms that carry electric charges are called ions. Ions either| |have a number of electrons larger (negatively charged) or smaller (positively charged) than the atomic number. | |Atomic mass | | | |The name indicates the mass of an atom, expressed in atomic mass units (amu). Most of the mass of an atom is concentrated in the protons and| |neutrons contained in the nucleus.Each proton or neutron weighs about 1 amu, and thus the atomic mass in always very close to the  mass (or | |nucleon) number, which indicates the number of particles within the core of an atom; this means the protons and neutrons. Each isotope of a | |chemical element can vary in mass. The atomic mass of an isotope indicates the number of neutrons that are present within the core of the | |atoms. The total atomic mass of an element is an equivalent of the mass units of its isotopes. The relative occurrence of the isotopes in | |nature is an important factor in the determination of the overall atomic mass of an element. In reference to a certain chemical element, the| |atomic mass as shown in the periodic table is the average atomic mass of all the chemical element's stable isotopes.The average is weighted| |by the relative natural abundances of the element's isotopes. | |Electronegativity according to Pauling | | | |Electro negativity measures the inclination of an atom to pull the electronic cloud in its direction during chemical bonding with another | |atom. | |Pauling's scale is a widely used method to order chemical elements according to their electro negativity. Nobel prize winner Linus Pauling | |developed this scale in 1932. | |The values of electro negativity are not calculated, based on mathematical formula or a measurement.It is more like a pragmatic range. | |Pauling gave the element with the highest possible electro negativity,  fluorine, a value of 4,0. Francium, the element with the lowest | |possible electro negativity, was given a value of 0,7. All of the remaining elements are given a value of somewhere between these two | |extremes. | |Density | | | |The density of an element indicates the number of units of mass of the element that are present in a certain volume of a medium. | |Traditionally, density is expressed through the Greek letter ro (written as r).Within the SI system of units density is expressed in | |kilograms per cubic meter (kg/m3). The density of an element is usually expressed graphically with temperatures and air pressures, because | |these two properties influence density. | |Melting point | | | |The melting point of an element or compound means the temperatures at which the solid form of the element or compound is at equilibrium with| |the liquid form. We usually presume the air pressure to be 1 atmosphere. | |For exa mple: the melting point of  water  is 0  oC, or 273 K. |Boiling point | | | |The boiling point of an element or compound means the temperature at which the liquid form of an element or compound is at equilibrium with | |the gaseous form. We usually presume the air pressure to be 1 atmosphere. | |For example: the boiling point of water is 100  oC, or 373 K. | |At the boiling point the vapor pressure of an element or compound is 1 atmosphere. | |Vanderwaals radius | | | |Even when two atoms that are near one another will not bind, they will still attract one another. This phenomenon is known as the | |Vanderwaals interaction. |The Vanderwaals forces cause a force between the two atoms. This force becomes stronger, as the atoms come closer together. However, when | |the two atoms draw too near each other a rejecting force will take action, as a consequence of the exceeding rejection between the | |negatively charged electrons of both atoms. As a result, a certain distance wil l develop between the two atoms, which is commonly known as | |the Vanderwaals radius. | |Through comparison of Vanderwaals radiuses of several different pairs of atoms, we have developed a system of Vanderwaals radiuses, through | |which we can predict the Vanderwaals radius between two atoms, through addition. |Ionic radius | | | |Ionic radius is the radius that an ion has in an ionic crystal, where the ions are packed together to a point where their outermost | |electronic orbitals are in contact with each other. An orbital is the area around an atom where, according to orbital theory, the | |probability of finding an electron is the greatest. | |Isotopes | | | |The atomic number does not determine the number of neutrons in an atomic core. As a result, the number of neutrons within an atom can vary. | |Then atoms that have the same atomic number may differ in atomic mass.Atoms of the same element that differ in atomic mass are called | |isotopes. | |Mainly with the heavier at oms that have a higher atomic number, the number of neutrons within the core may exceed the number of protons. | |Isotopes of the same element are often found in nature alternately or in mixtures. | |An example: chlorine has an atomic number of 17, which basically means that all chlorine atoms contain 17 protons within their core. There | |are two isotopes. Three-quarters of the chlorine atoms found in nature contain 18 neutrons and one quarter contains 20 neutrons. The mass | |numbers of these isotopes are 17 + 18 = 35 and 17 + 20 = 37. The isotopes are written as follows: 35Cl and 37Cl. |When isotopes are noted this way the number of protons and neutrons does not have to be mentioned separately, because the symbol | |of  chlorine  within the periodic chart (Cl) is set on the seventeenth place. This already indicates the number of protons, so that one can | |always calculate the number of neutrons easily by means of the mass number. | | | |A great number of isotopes is not sta ble. They will fall apart during radioactive decay processes. Isotopes that are radioactive are called | |radioisotopes. | |Electronic shell | | | |The electronic configuration of an atom is a description of the arrangement of electrons in circles around the core.These circles are not | |exactly round; they contain a wave-like pattern. For each circle the probability of an electron to be present on a certain location is | |described by a mathematic formula. Each one of the circles has a certain level of energy, compared to the core. Commonly the energy levels | |of electrons are higher when they are further away from the core, but because of their charges, electrons can also influence each another's | |energy levels. Usually the middle circles are filled up first, but there may be exceptions due to rejections. | |The circles are divided up in shells and sub shells, which can be numbered by means of quantities. |Energy of first ionisation | | | |The ionisation energy means the ene rgy that is required to make a free atom or molecule lose an electron in a vacuum. In other words; the | |energy of ionisation is a measure for the strength of electron bonds to molecules. This concerns only the electrons in the outer circle. | |Energy of second ionisation | | | |Besides the energy of the first ionisation, which indicates how difficult it is to remove the first electron from an atom, there is also an | |energy measure for second ionisation. This energy of second ionisation indicates the degree of difficulty to remove the second atom. | | |As such, there is also the energy of a third ionisation, and sometimes even the energy of a fourth or fifth ionisation. | |Standard potential | | | |The standard potential means the potential of a redox reaction, when it is at equilibrium, in relation to zero. When the standard potential | |exceeds zero, we are dealing with an oxidation reaction. When the standard potential is below zero, we are dealing with a reduction | |reacti on. The standard potenti |

IKEA †Case Study Essay

Synopsis of the situation IKEA (Ingvar Kamprad Elmtaryd Agunnaryd) is a privately held, international home products company that designs and sells ready-to-assemble furniture, appliances and home accessories. The company is now the world’s largest furniture retailer. IKEA was founded in 1943 by 17-year-old Ingvar Kamprad in Sweden, named as an acronym comprising the initials of the founder’s name (Ingvar Kamprad), the farm where he grew up (Elmtaryd), and his home parish. Kamprad started the company at his home as a mail order company. He sold goods which he purchased from low priced sources and then advertized in a newsletter to local shopkeepers. In 1948 he added in his catalogue furniture. Furniture was a success so he gave up the small items and focused only on furniture. In 1951 he opened the first display store in nearby Almhult where the customers could preview and inspect products and then order from the catalogue. This was also an immediate success as people travelled even from Stockholm to visit the store. This led IKEA to stop accepting mail orders. Now, the IKEA strategy is to publish a yearly catalogue, distribute it to the clients and encourage them to visit the store name (Barlett, Ghoshal, & Beamish, 2008). The sales take off in the late 50s led IKEA to look abroad for new sources of supply as the local industry could not respond to the demand. In 1961, IKEA outsourced production to furniture factories in Poland. Poland became IKEAs largest source and lowered significantly the production costs. This allowed IKEA to reduce its prices even more. The success in Poland led IKEA to adopt a general principle that it should mot own its means of production but should look for suppliers with whom it should develop close long term relationships. Building on the first store’s success, the first store in Stockholm opened in 1965. Even before that, in 1963, IKEA operated a store in Oslo. Other  countries followed and today IKEA operates 313 stores in 38 countries, most of them in Europe, North America, Asia and Australia (IKEA, 2010). Some of IKEAs competitive advantages are that the brand is associated with simple, low cost,  stylish products. The concept was furnishing products and house-wares that had wide appeal to a variety of markets and segments, both consumer and the business market exclusively. Both markets were looking for well styled, high quality furniture that reasonably priced and readily available. Also, IKEA developed a model for the business, where it was able to keep costs low. From the customer point of view, they were able to buy low cost furniture, even though they had to assemble and collect the flat-packed furniture from stores. IKEA to was able to reduce costs, as this costly part of the value chain was carried out by the customer. Adding to that, IKEA promoted the Swedish lifestyle. Many people associate Sweden with a fresh, healthy way of life. This Swedish lifestyle is reflected in the IKEA product range. The freshness of the open air is reflected in the colors and materials used and the sense of space they create: blond woods, natural textiles and untreated surfaces. Also IKEA stores promote Swedish food and products. IKEAs low-priced restaurant and grocery shop have made IKEA Sweden’s leading food exporter. However, global expansion was not without problems for IKEA. During the 1980’s environmental problems arose with some of IKEAs products and during the 1990’s IKEA was accused that its suppliers were using child labor. In the 1980’s the formaldehyde regulations passed in Denmark caused problems to IKEA. After the discovery that some of its products emitted more formaldehyde than the legislation allowed the company was fined. The company responded and established stringent requirements regarding formaldehyde emissions. Even though, the problem did not vanish as in 1992 a German investigation team found that an IKEA bookcase had higher emissions that the ones allowed by the German law. Since then, IKEA has improved its procedures to evaluate the environmental impact of its products. Currently, IKEA uses a tool called the ‘e-Wheel’ to evaluate the environmental impact of its products. The e-Wheel  helps IKEA to analyze the four stages within the life of a product. This also helps suppliers improve their understanding of the environmental impact of the products they are supplying (The Times 100). Next, the issue with child labor arose in 1994 when a Swedish television documentary showed children in Pakistan working at weaving looms. IKEA was one of the several Swedish companies that were mentioned as importers of carpets from Pakistan. IKEA was unaware of the problem and tried to respond by sending a legal team to Geneva  for input and advice from the International Labor. Association(ILO). IKEA discovered that child labor was not illegal in these countries so the only way to handle the problem was by adding a clause for child labor in their contracts and outsource the monitoring of this clause to a third party company. But it seems that this measure was not effective enough, as in 2007, Anders Dahlvig, the multi-national’s Chief Executive Officer, admitted that some of the company’s products were still produced using child labor (Wadsworth, 2007). Key Issues and Players The key players in this case are the IKEA company and its suppliers. In order to keep its competitive advantage IKEA outsources its product manufacturing to third party suppliers throughout the world. But, this practice is often the source of many issues. Many times the legislation in these countries does not match the standards and the ethical values of the western developed countries which are the main customer base of the company. This fact can cause issues like weak environmental policies or child labor that hurt the public image of the company. This has direct effect on the company’s sales. Problem The main problem that IKEA faces nowadays is the uncontrolled child labor in countries which supply the company with carpets. Child labor in countries like India and Pakistan is a common phenomenon. The company lacks effective ways to control its suppliers in these countries. At the same time, child  labor is socially acceptable in these places as poverty pushes people to find ways to survive. So the company cannot rely on the local authorities for help. Also, any attempts on behalf of IKEA to control this issue didn’t seem to succeed. Alternative Solutions A possible solution for controlling the child labor for IKEA is to cancel any contracts with suppliers in countries that do not adopt the convention 138 of ILO, that deals with the child labor issues. This way IKEA will be able to get assistance for child labor issues from local authorities since it will be prohibited by local laws. Another solution would be to come to more strict agreements with the suppliers and launch intensive controls for the effectuation of the agreement. Selected Solution The selected solution is IKEA to enhance its agreements with the suppliers and intensify its controls against child labor. The company should appoint inspectors in these countries that would inspect the suppliers and report the situation on frequent basis Results and Rationale of the Solution The cancelation of the contracts does not seem a rational choice at the moment because it will have a big cost for the company. The company will need to find new suppliers in other countries with higher labor cost and doubtable product quality. This is a move with higher risk and cost that the selected solution. Positive and Negative Results The positive results of the selected solution are that the child labor issues will decrease and the company’s profile will be protected. The negative results are that the company’s cost will increase as inspection staff will be hired to perform the inspections and some contracts will need to be canceled due to failure to adhere to the conditions of the contract by the suppliers References Barlett, C., Ghoshal, S., & Beamish, P. (2008). Transnational Management. Singapore: McGraw-Hill. Building a sustainable supply chain. (n.d.). Retrieved November 27, 2010, from The Times 100: http://www.thetimes100.co.uk/case-study–building-a-sustainable-supply-chain–110-279-3.php IKEA. (n.d.). Retrieved November 28, 2010, from IKEA: http://www.ikea.com/ms/sv_SE/about_ikea/facts_and_figures/ikea_group_stores/index.html Wadsworth, M. (2007, May 22). IKEA exposed over ‘child Labour’ and green issues. Retrieved November 27, 2010, from The Latest: http://www.the-latest.com/ikea-slammed-over-child-labour-andgreen-issues

Bystander Intervention

Bystander Intervention 1—-Social Psychology Eye Skip to contentHomeAboutDisclaimerFeatured JournalsNews Editors Bystanders†¦ just standing by. When do people help and when do they not? Posted on March 13, 2011 by ezaiser| 1 Comment By Erica Zaiser Understanding when and why people intervene to help others, or when they don’t, is at the heart of social psychology. All students of psychology study the famous case of Kitty Genovese, whose screams while being attacked failed to elicit help from the nearly 40 bystanders. Most research on bystander intervention has found that the size of the group greatly impacts the likelihood of intervention. Too big of a group and everybody shifts responsibility assuming that someone else will help but the more people the less likely that any individual will help. It seems hard to imagine that people would not help when someone is in trouble, wounded, or in danger, yet it happens all the time. Recently I myself stumbled upon a scene of bystander non-intervention which I have since struggled to understand. The other day while walking home I came upon a man running up and down the street with no shoes or coat holding a phone out shouting at the people on the street and stopping cars banging on the windows. I took a second to survey the scene and it was clear this man was trying to get something from those around him. However nobody was answering him and none of the cars even rolled down their windows to listen. I heard his questions loud and clear, albeit in broken English, â€Å"How to call an ambulance? † Still nobody was saying anything. I shouted to him that he needed to call 999 and he came over profusely grateful for my help and I helped him make his emergency call and assisted him and his family until paramedics could arrive. His mother had fallen unconscious in their flat and he had run into the street esperate to know how to call emergency services in this country. I learned that he and all his family was from eastern Europe and they knew very little English. He also told me that he had been trying to get the number for quite some time but nobody had been willing to help. Having read work on bystander behaviour I shouldn’t have been that surprised that nobody hel ped but the situation just didn’t fit the common notion that with greater numbers people are less likely to help. Most of the famous incidents involving non-helping behaviour has been within large crowds. There were maybe 7 or 10 people on the street when I arrived. Most were just standing and watching. I don’t have a great answer for why people didn’t help, maybe they couldn’t understand his question†¦ but it seemed quite clear to me. Maybe they feared that it was some type of scam.. but certainly it can’t hurt to tell someone a phone number. Even more frustrating than not understanding the lack of help was the sneaking suspicion that had he been British, white, or at least a native English speaker, maybe someone would have helped. Research by Levine and colleagues suggests that there might be an element of truth to that. In a study of non-intervention, their research suggests that bystanders are much more likely to help people when they feel that the person seeking assistance is part of their ingroup. This effect holds true even when controlling for the severity of the situation and the emotional arousal felt by bystanders. In other words, no matter how bad the situation or how badly the bystanders felt, they were still less likely to help when the victim was an outgroup member. ————————————————- This all makes sense from a social psychological perspective and lines up with other research. People tend to behave better to people in their own group in general. But seeing it play out†¦ was still a little depressing. 2-Masculinity inhibits helping in emergencies: Personality does predict the bystander effect. By Tice, Dianne M. ; Baumeister, Roy F. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol 49(2), Aug 1985, 420-428. Abstract Tested 4 competing hypotheses (masculinity as enhancer, femininity as enhancer, interactive, masculinity as inhibitor) regarding the potential effects of dispositional sex-role orientation on bystander intervention in emergencies. 0 undergraduates, classified on the Bem Sex-Role Inventory, participated in a simulated group discussion via headphones. One member of the group apparently had a choking fit and called for help. Highly masculine Ss were less likely to take action to help the victim than were other Ss. Femininity and actual gender had no effect on likelihood of helping. Results are interpreted according to past research evidence th at highly masculine Ss fear potential embarrassment and loss of poise, so they may be reluctant to intervene in emergencies. (27 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved) ___________________________________________________________ _____________________- 3-HELP NOW CONSENT Confidential Reporting HOME How to HELP What is †¦? Substance Use and Sexual Assault Parents Faculty – Staff Community Commitment Education Opportunities F A Qs Police Services and Legal Issues Bystanders Can Help A bystander is someone in a crowd who sees a potentially dangerous situation and makes a choice to assist or not to assist. A bystander can protect the values of safety, trust, and honor that are central to our community. The Good Samaritan – Less common than you might think. In 1968 researchers Darley & Latane conducted an experiment in which a student pretended to have a seizure and the experimenters recorded how often others stopped to help. When only one bystander was watching the scene, the student was helped 85% of the time. However, if there were five bystanders, the student was only helped 31% of the time. Does this make sense? Shouldn't having more people present increase the chances that someone will get help? Amazingly, this is not the case. We all take cues from those around us about how to act in different situations. In emergency situations, many things prohibit bystanders from intervening:  ¦If no one else is acting, it is hard to go against the crowd.  ¦People may feel that they are risking embarrassment. (What if I'm wrong and they don't need help? )  ¦They may think there is someone else in the group who is more qualified to help.  ¦They may think that the situation does not call for help since no one else is doing anything. With each person taking cues from people around them, a common result is that no action is taken. What can we do about this problem? As members of the WSU community we all have a responsibility to help each other. Avoid being a bystander! Intervene regardless of what others are doing and don't be worried about being wrong; it is better to be wrong than to have done nothing at all. 1. I am a bystander. What can I do? Be on the look-out for potentially dangerous situations. – Learn how to recognize indications of potentially dangerous situations. Here are some examples of â€Å"red flag† behaviors related to sexual assault:  ¦Inappropriate touching  ¦Suggestive remarks  ¦Testing boundaries  ¦Disregarding set boundaries Inappropriate intimacy  ¦Attempts to isolate someone  ¦Pressuring someone to drink  ¦Violent behaviors  ¦Targeting someone who is visibly impaired 2. If I were in this situation, would I want someone to help me?  ¦If a situation makes us uncomfortable, we may try to dismiss it as not being a problem. You may tell yourself that the other person will be fine, that he or s he is not as intoxicated as you think, or that the person is able to defend him/herself. This is not a solution! The person may need your help more than you think!  ¦When in doubt, TRUST YOUR GUT. Instincts are there for a reason. When a situation makes us feel uncomfortable, it is a generally a good indicator that something is not right.  ¦It is better to be wrong about the situation than do nothing. Many people feel reluctant to intervene in a situation because they are afraid of making a scene or feel as though a person would ask for help if it were needed. 3. You have the responsibility to intervene. You may be thinking:  ¦No one else is helping; it must not be a problem  ¦People who are sober don't think this is a problem, maybe I'm wrong?  ¦Jim's really responsible and he's not intervening†¦ why should I? Many people do not intervene in a potentially dangerous situation because they are looking to others for cues on how to act or they believe someone else will intervene. But IT IS YOUR RESPONSIBILITY to act – as a Cougar, as a friend to all other students, and as a member of WSU’s community of trust and safety. 4. You have the skills to act!  ¦Learn effective intervention techniques!  ¦Watch out for other members of the WSU community!  ¦Come up with a plan beforehand!  ¦Talk to your friends about how they would want you to intervene if they are in an uncomfortable situation. Choose the intervention strategy that is best for the situation.  ¦Take a breath and make your move! References Berkowitz, A. Understanding the role of bystander behavior. US Department of Education's 20th Annual National Meeting on Alcohol and Other Drug Abuse and Violence Prevention in Higher Education, Arlington, VA Darley, J. M. , ; Latane, B. (1968). Bystander intervention in emergenci es: Diffusion of responsibility. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 8, 377-383. Cialdini, R. B. (2001) Influence: Science and Practice. Needham Heights, MA: Allyn ; Bacon ————————————————- Counseling Services, PO Box 641065, Washington State University, Pullman WA 99164- 4-New York News ; Views Interactive Reporting from CUNY Graduate School of Journalism site Skip to contentHomeAboutWhat Would You Do? NYC Robbery Bystanders Fail to Help Posted on October 8, 2010 by Brendaliss Gonzalez Courtesy NYPD CompStat Unit You think you’re the only one, and then you remember, you live in New York- you’re never the only one. According to New York City Police Department reports, by September this year, 66,691 people had been victims of robbery, including assault, burglary and grand larceny. It’s amazing how many people can tell you their story of being mugged in the city, even more surprising are the stories that occurred in broad daylight, with witnesses who seemed to have pulled a disappearing act during the occurrence. Two weeks ago, a pair of robberies at ATM’s in Columbus Circle and West 23rd occurred in broad daylight, shocking each of the victims who believed they were playing it safe by going out at early hours. The report fails to mention anyone around them stopping to help. A pregnant woman was also robbed and attacked in Gramercy Park when coming home from a doctor’s appointment- any witnesses? Who knows? And let’s not forget the story in April when a homeless man lay dead for hours after being knifed to death in a heroic attempt to save a woman being robbed- witnesses and passerby’s caught on camera walking past the dead body without even calling for help. The excuse? Most assumed another already called the police. You would think that with so many people having experienced being mugged, most would readily lend a hand or just dial 911 when seeing someone else be mugged. Yet most of the time, no one even flinches. In a busy, dog-eat-dog city like New York, the attitude seems to be more of â€Å"each man for himself. † ————————————————- So, this poses a question that will require you to look deep down and really be honest. Would you stop to help someone being robbed or assaulted? Or would you leave them to fight their own fight? Besides, you don’t want to have to relive that kind of experience, putting yourself in danger – that would just be stupid, right? 5-The Bystander Effect Carol Hensell Program Manager ADHS SVPEP Phoenix, AZ October 2009 If you work in the field of violence prevention, you are probably familiar with the story of Kitty Genovese. In New York, 1964 Kitty Genovese was murdered on the street while 38 witnesses watched from their apartments and failed to intervene. Her story has become influential to the field of social psychology and has promoted the development of ideas around the psychology of helping or â€Å"bystander effect† (Latane ; Darley, 1970). The bystander effect is described as the idea that individuals are more likely to help when alone than when in the company of others (Latane ; Darley, 1970). There is a large amount of literature examining helping behaviors and trying to understand under what conditions do people decide to help others and models of the bystander effect have developed over time. The literature includes studies that examine individual and situational factors that promote or hinder pro-social bystander intervention (Banyard, Moynihan, ; Plante, 2007). Factors that have been found to affect helping behavior are group size, which accounts for the diffusion of responsibility or the idea that someone else will intervene. Perceptions and reactions to situations are negatively affected by the presence of other people. These perceptions can be either real or imagined. Other studies have found that if a group is cohesive and communication occurs, a consensus to help develops and they are more likely to intervene (Banyard, Moynihan, ; Plante, 2007). Living in a rural environment may increase the likelihood of someone intervening (Banyard, Moynihan, ; Plante, 2007). Interpersonal factors that affect if a person intervenes includes: mood, individual perceptions of the event, mood, nature of relationship to the person in need of help, and perceptions that will be able to actually help the person (Banyard, Moynihan, ; Plante, 2007). There appears to be ambiguity around intervening in several situations, especially those that are violent. Norms about what is appropriate and inappropriate behavior in particular social contexts are found in most aspects of individual’s daily lives and they also exist in the area of helping behaviors (Hart ; Miethe, 2008). Understanding these norms can facilitate a greater understanding of bystander behaviors and contribute to creation effective programs for increasing bystander awareness and behaviors in the area of sexual violence prevention. Exploring the bystander effect is important because bystander actions and reactions may affect both the risks of violence and consequences of violence for a victim. A witness or bystander may deter a crime from occurring or their intervention may help a victim if a violent attack is in progress (Hart ; Miethe, 2008). Many people believe that violent crimes occur in secluded places out of the site of others. However, many crimes are committed in the presence of a social audience (Hart ; Miethe, 2008). According to a National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) completed in the 1990’s, bystanders were present in approximately 70% of assaults, 52% of robberies, and 29% of rapes and sexual assault (Planty, 2002 as cited in Hart ; Miethe, 2008). ————————————————- When faced with a potentially dangerous situation, bystanders have choices. They can choose to do nothing, provide indirect support (calling police or others to help), or directly intervene. 6 ————————————————- RemNot So Innocent Bystanders ———————————————— By Sara on March 11, 2010 3:38 PM | 1 Comment | 0 TrackBacks Should bystanders of crime be convicted? There is almost always something t hat a bystander can do to help stop crime against another human. If the criminal is waving a weapon around, it is understandable that not many bystanders would step up to the plate. However, there have been many cases lately that have shown how little bystanders do to help a person in need, when they are fully able to. Some of these bystanders actually JOIN the perpetrator. The links I have posted here show video of a woman being beaten in a subway, with subway officers there. The officers say that it is not their job to step in, and they called for reinforcement. Whoever said that stepping in is not permitting was obviously not there, and did not see how important it is that they DO step in. The second video is a news report of a high school girl who was gang raped outside of her homecoming dance. People watched and jeered, and some who had just been walking by joined in to rape her. Some even recorded the event on their cell-phone cameras. But no one helped these victims. Last semester I took Social Psychology and learned about the Kitty Genovese case. This woman was killed outside of her apartment complex as her neighbors watched and listened. They were given ample time to go out and help her or call for police after the killer had left. No one did anything. This is known as the bystander effect, which is sometimes caused by diffusion of responsibility. Bystanders think, â€Å"Someone else will surely help, someone else has probably already done something, yea, I don't have to do anything. † But often no one helps! This cannot be used as an excuse. These people are almost as guilty as the perpetrator and should be convicted too. Tags:Bystander,bystander effect,diffusion of responsibilty,Kitty Genovese,Social PsychologyNo TrackBacksember, when people intervene for the good of others, it creates a safer community. 7- Don't Just Stand There – Do Something A community where people intervene for the good of others is a safer community. â€Å"The Bystander Effect† Forty years ago, Kitty Genovese was attacked and murdered outside her New York City apartment building. Thirty-eight people heard her calls for help s they watched from behind their apartment windows. The attack lasted more than half an hour. After it was over, someone called the police, who arrived within two minutes. That 1964 incident became a textbook case. Why did so many witnesses fail to act? Phoning the police would involve no risk, and likely would have saved Ms. Genovese's life. Social psychologists Latane and Darley 1 suggested reasons such as diffusion of responsibility or failure to recognize the true significance of the incident. They concluded that the more people witness an event, the less likely each individual is to intervene. This became known as the Bystander Effect. When a violent incident or emergency occurs, the Bystander Effect is not a mere academic concept. In an unpublicized case last summer, seven young men robbed and knifed the 16-year old nephew of a Canada Safety Council staff member, who happened to be walking through a downtown park in a major Canadian city. No one helped the victim or called the police. If the attackers had been caught, they could have faced criminal charges instead of likely going on to commit more crimes. Someone in the crowd must have had a cell phone. Why didn't anyone at least call the police? Numerous incidents like this happen in communities across Canada. Police estimate that only one out of every 10 swarmings is reported. The victims, often teenagers, are left scarred and traumatized for life. Such attacks lead many Canadians to fear their communities are unsafe. This fear only makes matters worse by creating abandoned, dangerous streets. It's not that Canadians don't act when they see an urgent situation. There are countless examples of successful intervention, including people who have risked their life to save a stranger. Nonetheless, police and community safety leaders would like to see more bystander involvement. Simply by reporting an urgent situation, a witness can prevent it from becoming more serious. Everyone Can Help How can the power of bystanders be harnessed in the interest of public safety? Several factors can encourage people to help strangers in distress. When a victim makes it very clear help is needed, people are more likely to intervene. Don't expect bystanders to figure out you're in trouble. Make sure they know. For example, look directly at someone in the crowd and ask for help. Perceived ability to help and perceived risk also determine whether or not a bystander will help. For example, the ubiquitous cell phone empowers users to call for help from almost anywhere, immediately and with little or no risk. Close to six million emergency calls are placed from mobile phones in Canada each year – about half of all calls to emergency numbers. Every day, thousands of Canadians use mobile phones to call for help when they see a crash, a crime in progress or a life-threatening medical emergency. Police urge witnesses of crimes to be observant and to call 9-1-1 as quickly as possible. Give a good description of the perpetrators, where they came from and where they go after the incident. In 1993, two-year-old James Bulger was murdered in the UK by two older children. Ironically, 38 witnesses saw the toddler being led away against his will by two older boys. UK researchers looked at the role of bystanders in the tragedy. Dr. Mark Levine2 found that they did not intervene because they thought the three boys were brothers and considered â€Å"family† a private space. After examining other instances of bystander intervention and non-intervention, Dr. Levine concluded that members of a group take responsibility for the safety of others they see as belonging to the same group — and that the sense of group membership can be broadened. All Canadians must do their part to ensure we continue to live in a safe and civilized society. When you see someone in trouble just think — if you were that person, what would you want passers-by to do? 9-1-1 Tips for Mobile Phone Users Calls to 9-1-1 are free of charge. Do not preprogram 9-1-1 into your phone's speed-dial function. Dial 9-1-1 only when the safety of people or property is at risk (e. . a fire, crime in progress or medical emergency). Provide your 10-digit phone number so the operator can call you back. Give your precise location or the location of the emergency. Describe the emergency clearly. Stay on the line until the operator tells you to hang up. Then, leave your phone turned on in case the operator calls back. 1 Latane, Bibb ; Darley, John M. (1968). Group inhibitio n of bystander intervention in emergencies. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 10(3), 215-221. 2Levine, Mark (2002). Walk On By? Relational Justice Bulletin (Issue 16, Nov 2002) Safety Canada January 2004 Safety Canada January 2004 ————————————————- Canada's Silent Tragedy 8- AP PSYCHOLOGY NILAND Chapter 13 – Social Psychology Page 1 of 5 When Will People Help in a Crisis? John M. Darley and Bibb Latane Most of America lives in cities, and it is one of the major tragedies of these times that our cities are in deep trouble. In small towns throughout the country, people still leave their houses unlocked and the keys in their cars when they park. No one living in a rural community would dream of stealing from someone else, because everyone knows everyone. Who wants to steal from people he knows? And if you stole a friends car, where could you drive it in a small community that it wouldn't instantly be recognized? When everyone knows everyone, complex social systems are not needed to help alleviate those disasters that strike-the fire and police departments are staffed chiefly by volunteers (who never go on strike), and the welfare department consists of charitable neighbors rather than squads o f social workers. Cities are supposed to be collections of small towns, but in at least one important sense, they are not: in a rural community, everyone sees the (often rather crude) machinery of government and feels that it is available to him. In large cities, this machinery is mostly invisible, hidden away in inaccessible Kafkaesque corners. Involvement in local affairs is almost forced on the small-town citizen; the apartment dweller in New York withdraws into his own little world not so much because he wants to as because he has no ready means o f participating actively in the life o f his city even if he wants to. And, as John M. Darley and Bibb Latane point out, withdrawal from and lack of concern about one's fellow citizens can become a terrible habit. Kitty Genovese is set upon by a maniac as she returns home from work at 3 A. m. Thirty-eight of her neighbors in Kew Gardens come to their windows when she cries out in terror; none comes to her assistance even though her stalker takes over half an hour to murder her. No one even so much as calls the police. She dies. Andrew Mormille is stabbed in the stomach as he rides the A train home to Manhattan. Eleven other riders watch the seventeen-year-old boy as he bleeds to death; none comes to his assistance even though his attackers have left the car. He dies. An eighteen-year-old switchboard operator, alone in her office is the Bronx, is raped and beaten. Escaping momentarily, she runs naked and bleeding to the street, screaming for help. A crowd of forty passerby gathers and watches as, in broad daylight, the rapist tries to drag her lack upstairs; no one interferes. Finally two policemen happen by and arrest her assailant. Eleanor Bradley trips and breaks her leg while shopping on Fifth Avenue. Dazed and in shock, she calls for help, but the hurrying stream of executives and shoppers simply parts and flows past. After forty minutes a taxi driver helps her to a doctor. The shocking thing about these cases is that so many people failed to respond. If only one or two had ignored the victim, we might be able to understand their inaction. But when thirty-eight people, or eleven people, or hundreds of people fail to help, we become disturbed. Actually, this fact that shocks us so much is itself the clue to understanding these cases. Although it seems obvious that the more people who watch a victim in distress, the more likely someone will help, what really happens is exactly the opposite. If each member of a group of bystanders is aware that other people are also present, he will be less likely to notice the emergency, less likely to decide that it is an emergency, and less likely to act even if he thinks there is an emergency. This is a surprising assertion-what we are saying is that the victim may actually be less likely to get help, the more people who watch his distress and are available to help. We shall discuss in detail the process through which an individual bystander must go in order to intervene, and we shall present the results of some experiments designed to show the effects of the number of onlookers on the likelihood of intervention. Since we started research on bystander responses to emergencies, we have heard many explanations for the lack of intervention. â€Å"I would assign this to the effect of the megapolis in which we live, which makes closeness very difficult and leads to the alienation of the individual from the group,† contributed a psychoanalyst. A disaster syndrome,† explained a sociologist, â€Å"that shook the sense of safety and sureness of the individuals involved and caused psychological withdrawal from the event by ignoring it. † â€Å"Apathy,† claimed others. â€Å"Indifference. † â€Å"The gratification of unconscious sadistic impulses. † â€Å"Lack of concern for our fellow men. † â€Å"The Cold Society. † All of these analyses of the person who fails to help share one characteristic; they set the indifferent witness apart from the rest of us as a different kind of person. Certainly not one of us who reads about these incidents in horror is apathetic, alienated, or depersonalized. Certainly not AP PSYCHOLOGY NILAND Chapter 13 – Social Psychology Page 2 of 5 one of us enjoys gratifying his sadistic impulses by watching others suffer. These terrifying cases in which people fail to help others certainly have no personal implications for us. That is, we might decide not to ride subways anymore, or that New York isn't even â€Å"a nice place to visit,† or â€Å"there ought to be a law† against apathy, but we need not feel guilty, or reexamine ourselves. Looking more closely at published descriptions of the behavior of witnesses to these incidents, the people involved begin to look a little less inhuman and a lot more like the rest of us. Although it is unquestionably true that the witnesses in the incidents above did nothing to save the victims, apathy, indifference, and unconcern are not entirely accurate descriptions of their reactions. The thirty-eight witnesses of Kitty Genovese's murder did not merely look at the scene once and then ignore it. They continued to stare out of their windows at what was going on. Caught, fascinated, distressed, unwilling to act but unable to turn away, their behavior was neither helpful nor heroic; but it was not indifferent or apathetic. Actually, it was like crowd behavior in many other emergency situations. Car accidents, drownings, fires, and attempted suicides all attract substantial numbers of people who watch the drama in helpless fascination without getting directly involved in the action. Are these people alienated and indifferent? Are the rest of us? Obviously not. Why, then, don't we act? The bystander to an emergency has to make a series of decisions about what is happening and what he will do about it. The consequences of these decisions will determine his actions. There are three things he must do if he is to intervene: notice that something is happening, interpret that event as an emergency, and decide that he has personal responsibility for intervention. If he fails to notice the event, if he decides that it is not an emergency, or if he concludes that he is not personally responsible for acting, he will leave the victim unhelped. This state of affairs is shown graphically as a â€Å"decision tree. Only one path through this decision tree leads to intervention; all others lead to a failure to help. As we shall show, at each fork of the path in the decision tree, the presence of other bystanders may lead a person down the branch of not helping. Noticing: The First Step Suppose that an emergency is actually taking place; a middle-aged man has a heart attack. He st ops short, clutches his chest, and staggers to the nearest building wall, where he slowly slumps to the sidewalk in a sitting position. What is the likelihood that a passerby will come to his assistance? First, the bystander has to notice that something is happening. The external event has to break into his thinking and intrude itself on his conscious mind. He must tear himself away from his private thoughts and pay attention to this unusual event. But Americans consider it bad manners to look too closely at other people in public. We are taught to respect the privacy of others, and when among strangers, we do this by closing our ears and avoiding staring at others-we are embarrassed if caught doing otherwise. In a crowd, then, each person is less likely to notice the first sign of a potential emergency than when alone. Experimental evidence corroborates this everyday observation. Darley and Latane asked college students to an interview about their reactions to urban living. As the students waited to see the interviewer, either by themselves or with two other students, they filled out a preliminary questionnaire. Solitary students often glanced idly about the room while filling out their questionnaires; those in groups, to avoid seeming rudely inquisitive, kept their eyes on their own papers. As part of the study, we staged an emergency: smoke was released into the waiting room through a vent. Twothirds of the subjects who were alone when the smoke appeared noticed it immediately, but only a quarter of the subjects waiting in groups saw it as quickly. Even after the room had completely filled with smoke one subject from a group of three finally looked up and exclaimed, â€Å"God! I must be smoking too much† Although eventually all the subjects did become aware of the smoke, this study indicates that the more people present, the slower an individual may be to perceive that an emergency does exist and the more likely he is not to see it at all. Once an event is noticed, an onlooker must decide whether or not it is truly an emergency. Emergencies are not always clearly labeled as such; smoke pouring from a building or into a waiting room may be caused by a fire, or it may merely indicate a leak in a steam pipe. Screams -in the street may signal an assault or a family quarrel. A man lying in a doorway may be having a coronary, suffering from diabetic coma, or he may simply be sleeping off a drunken night. And in any unusual situation, Candid Camera may be watching. A person trying to decide whether or not a given situation is an emergency often refers to the reactions of those around him; he looks at them to see how he should react himself. If everyone else is calm and indifferent, he will tend to remain calm and indifferent; if everyone else is reacting strongly, he will become aroused. This tendency is not merely slavish conformity; ordinarily we derive much valuable information about new situations from how others around us behave. It's a rare traveler who, in picking a roadside restaurant, chooses to stop at one with no cars in the parking lot. AP PSYCHOLOGY NILAND Chapter 13 – Social Psychology Page 3 of 5 But occasionally the reactions of others provide false information. The studied nonchalance of patients in a dentist's waiting room is a poor indication of the pain awaiting them. In general, it is considered embarrassing to look overly concerned, to seem flustered, to â€Å"lose your cool† in public. When we are not alone, most of us try to seem less anxious than we really are. In a potentially dangerous situation, then, everyone present will appear more unconcerned than he is in fact. Looking at the apparent impassivity and lack of reaction of the others, each person is led to believe that nothing really is wrong. Meanwhile the danger may be mounting, to the point where a single person, uninfluenced by the seeming calm of others, would react. A crowd can thus force inaction on its members by implying, through its passivity and apparent indifference, that an event is not an emergency. Any individual in such a crowd is uncomfortably aware that he'll look like a fool if he behaves as though it were-and in these circumstances, until someone acts, no one acts. In the smoke-filled-room study, the smoke trickling from the wall constituted an ambiguous but potentially dangerous situation. How did the presence of other people affect a person's response to the situation? Typically, those who were in the waiting room by themselves noticed the smoke at once, gave a slight startle reaction, hesitated, got up and went over to investigate the smoke, hesitated again, and then left the room to find somebody to tell about the smoke. No one showed any signs of panic, but over three-quarters of these people were concerned enough to report the smoke. Others went through an identical experience but in groups of three strangers. Their behavior was radically different. Typically, once someone noticed the smoke, he would look at the other people, see them doing nothing, shrug his shoulders, and then go back to his questionnaire, casting covert glances first at the smoke and then at the others. From these three-person groups, only three out of twenty-four people reported the smoke. The inhibiting effect of the group was so strong that the other twenty-one were willing to sit in a room filled with smoke rather than make themselves conspicuous by reacting with alarm and concern-this despite the fact that after three or four minutes the tmosphere in the waiting room grew most unpleasant. Even though they coughed, rubbed their eyes, tried to wave the smoke away, and opened the window, they apparently were unable to bring themselves to leave. These dramatic differences between the behavior of people alone and those in a group indicate that the group imposed a definition of the situation upon its members that inhibited action. â€Å"A leak in the air cond itioning,† said one person when we asked him what he thought caused the smoke. â€Å"Must be chemistry labs in the building. † â€Å"Steam pipes. â€Å"Truth gas to make us give true answers on the questionnaire,† reported the more imaginative. There were many explanations for the smoke, but they all had one thing in common: they did not mention the word fire. In defining the situation as a non-emergency, people explained to themselves why the other observers did not leave the room; they also removed any reason for action themselves. The other members of the group acted as non-responsive models for each person-and as an audience for any â€Å"inappropriate† action he might consider. In such a situation it is all too easy to do nothing. The results of this study clearly and strongly support the predictions. But are they general? Would the same effect show up with other emergencies, or is it limited to situations like the smoke study involving danger to the self as well as to others-or to situations in which there's no clearly defined â€Å"victim†? It may be that our college-age male subjects played â€Å"chicken† with one another to see who would lose face by first fleeing the room. It may be that groups were less likely to respond because no particular person was in danger. To see how generalize these results were, Latane and Judith Rodin set up a second experiment, in which the emergency would cause no danger-for the bystander, and in which a specific person was in trouble. Subjects were paid $50 to participate in a survey of game and puzzle preferences conducted at Columbia by the Consumer Testing Bureau (CTB). An attractive young woman, the market-research representative, met them at the door and took them to the testing room. On the way, they passed the CTB office and through its open door they could see filing cabinets and a desk nd bookcases piled high with papers. They entered the adjacent testing room, which contained a table and chairs and a variety of games, where they were given a preliminary background information and game preference questionnaire to fill out. The representative told subjects that she would be working next door in her office for about ten minutes while they completed the questionnaires, and left by opening the collapsible cu rtain that divided the two rooms. She made sure the subjects knew that the Curtain was unlocked, easily opened, and a means of entry to her office. The representative stayed in her office, shuffling papers, opening drawers, and making enough noise to remind the subjects of her presence. Four minutes after leaving the testing area, she turned on a high-fidelity stereophonic tape recorder. AP PSYCHOLOGY NILAND Chapter 13 – Social Psychology Page 4 of 5 If the subject listened carefully, he heard the representative climb up on a chair to reach for a stack of papers on the bookcase. Even if he were not listening carefully, he heard a loud crash and a scream as the chair collapsed and she fell to the floor. â€Å"Oh, my God, my foot . . . I . . . I . . . can't move it. Oh . . . my ankle,† the representative moaned. â€Å"I . . . can't get this . . . thing . . . off me. † She cried and moaned for about a minute longer, but the cries gradually got more subdued and controlled. Finally she muttered something about getting outside, knocked over the chair as she pulled herself up, and thumped to the door, closing it be hind her as she left. This drama lasted about two minutes. Some people were alone in the waiting room when the â€Å"accident† occurred. Some 70 percent of them offered to help the victim before she left the room. Many came through the curtain to offer their assistance, others simply called out to offer their help. Others faced the emergency in pairs. Only 20 percent of this group eight out of forty offered to help the victim. The other thirty-two remained unresponsive to her cries of distress. Again, the presence of other bystanders inhibited action. And again, the non-interveners seemed to have decided the event was not an emergency. They were unsure what had happened, but whatever it was, it was not too serious. â€Å"A mild sprain,† some said. I didn't want to embarrass her. † In a â€Å"real† emergency, they assured us, they would be among the first to help the victim. Perhaps they would be, but in this situation they did not help, because for them the event was not defined as an emergency. Again, solitary people exposed to a potential emergency reacted more frequently than those exposed in groups. We found that the action-inhibiting effects of other bystanders works i n two different situations, one of which involves risking danger to oneself and the other of which involves helping an injured woman. The result seems sufficiently general so that we may assume it operates to inhibit helping in real-life emergencies. Diffused Responsibility Even if a person has noticed an event and defined it as an emergency, the fact that he knows that other bystanders also witnessed it may still make him less likely to intervene. Others may inhibit intervention because they make a person feel that his responsibility is diffused and diluted. Each soldier in a firing squad feels less personally responsible for killing a man than he would if he alone pulled the trigger. Likewise, any person in a crowd of onlookers may feel less responsibility for saving a life than if he alone witnesses the emergency. If your car breaks down on a busy highway, hundreds of drivers whiz by without anyone's stopping to help; if you are stuck on a nearly deserted country road, whoever passes you first is apt to stop. The personal responsibility that a passerby feels makes the difference. A driver on a lonely road knows that if he doesn't stop to help, the person will not get help; the same individual on the crowded highway feels he personally is no more responsible than any of a hundred other drivers. So even though an event clearly is an emergency, any person in a group who sees an emergency may feel less responsible, simply because any other bystander is equally responsible for helping. This diffusion of responsibility might have occurred in the famous Kitty Genovese case, in which the observers were walled off from each other in separate apartments. From the silhouettes against windows, all that could be told was that others were also watching. . To test this line of thought, Darley and Latane simulated an emergency in a setting designed to resemble Kitty Genovese's murder. People overheard a victim calling for help. Some knew they were the only one to hear the victim's cries, the rest believed other people were aware of the victim's distress. As with the Genovese witnesses, subjects could not see each other or know what others were doing. The kind of direct group inhibition found in the smoke and fallen-woman studies could not operate. For the simulation, we recruited male and female students at New York University to participate in a group discussion. Each student was put in an individual room equipped with a set of headphones and a microphone and told to listen for instructions over the headphones. The instructions informed the participant that the discussion was to consider personal problems of the normal college student in a high-pressure urban university. It was explained that, because participants might feel embarrassed about discussing personal problems publicly, several precautions had been taken to, ensure their anonymity: they would not meet the other people face to face, and the experimenter would not listen to the initial discussion but would only ask for their reactions later. Each person was to talk in turn. The first to talk reported that he found it difficult to adjust to New York and his studies. Then, very hesitantly and with obvious embarrassment, he mentioned that he was prone to nervous seizures, similar to but not really the same as epilepsy. These occurred particularly when he was under the stresses of studying and being graded. Other people then discussed their own problems in turn. The number of other people in the discussion varied. But whatever the perceived size of the group two, three, or six people-only the subject was actually present; the others, as well as the instructions and the speeches of the victim-to-be, were present only on a prerecorded tape. When it again was the first person's turn to talk, after a few comments he launched into the following AP PSYCHOLOGY NILAND Chapter 13 – Social Psychology Page 5 of 5 performance, getting increasingly louder with increasing speech difficulties: I can see a lot of er of er how other people's problems are similar to mine ecause er er I mean er it's er I mean some of the er same er kinds of things that I have and an er I'm sure that every everybody has and er er I mean er they're not er e-easy to handle sometimes and er I er er be upsetting like er er and er I er um I think I I need er if if could er er somebody er er er er er give me give me a little er give me a little help here because er I er I'm er h-h-having a a a a a real problem er right now and I er if somebody could help me out it would it would er er s-s-sure be sure be good be . . because er there er er a cause I er uh I've got a a one of the er seiz-er er things coming on and and and I c-could really er use er some h-help s-so if somebody would er give me a little h-help uh er-er-er-er-er c-could somebody er er help er uh uh uh [choking sounds] . . . I'm gonna die er er I'm . . . gonna . . .. die er help er er seizure er er . . . [chokes, then quiet]. While this was going on, the experimenter waited outside the student's door to see how soon he would emerge to cope with the emergency. Rather to our surprise, some people sat through the entire fit without helping; a disproportionately large percentage of these non-responders were from the largest-size group. Some 85 percent of the people who believed themselves to be alone with the victim came out of their rooms to help, while 62 percent of the people who believed there was one other bystander did so. Of those who believed there were four other bystanders, only 31 percent reported the fit before the tape ended. The responsibility-diluting effect of other people was so strong that single individuals were more than twice as likely to report the emergency as those who thought other people also knew about it. The Moral Dilemma Felt by Those Who Do Not Respond People who failed to report the emergency showed few signs of apathy and indifference thought to characterize â€Å"unresponsive bystanders. † When the experimenter entered the room to end the situation, the subject often asked if the victim was â€Å"all right. † Many of these people showed physical signs of nervousness; they often had trembling hands and sweating palms. If anything, they seemed more emotionally aroused than did those who reported the emergency. Their emotional arousal was in sharp contrast to the behavior of the non-responding subjects in the smoke and fallen-woman studies. Those subjects were calm and unconcerned when their experiments were over. Having interpreted the events as non-emergencies, there was no reason for them to be otherwise. It was only the subjects who did not respond in the face of the clear emergency represented by the fit who felt the moral dilemma. Why, then, didn't they respond? It is our impression that non-intervening subjects had not decided not to respond. Rather, they were still in a state of indecision and conflict concerning whether to respond or not. The emotional behavior of these non-responding subjects was a sign of their continuing conflict; a conflict that other people resolved by responding. The distinction seems an academic one for the victim, since he gets no help in either case, but it is an extremely important one for understanding why bystanders fail to help. The evidence is clear, then, that the presence of other bystanders and the various ways these other bystanders affect our decision processes make a difference in how likely we are to give help in an emergency. The presence of strangers may keep us from noticing an emergency at all; group behavior may lead us to define the situation as one that does not require action; and when other people are there to share the burden of responsibility, we may feel less obligated to do something when action is required. Therefore, it will often be the case that the more people who witness his distress, the less likely it is that the victim of an emergency will get help. Thus, the stereotype of the unconcerned, depersonalized homo urbanis, blandly watching the misfortunes of others, proves inaccurate. Instead, we find a bystander to an emergency is an anguished individual in genuine doubt, concerned to do the right thing but compelled to make complex decisions under pressure of stress and fear. His reactions are shaped by the actions of others and all too frequently by their inaction. And we are that bystander. Caught up by the apparent indifference of others, we may pass by an emergency without helping or even realizing that help is needed. Aware of the influence of those around us, however, we can resist it. We can choose to see distress and step forward to relieve it.

Miami Circle Article Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Miami Circle - Article Example The excavation, conducted under Bob Carr revealed a patterned group of holes in various sizes cut into the oolitic limestone. This covered a circular shaped area of 38 feet in diameter. And the excavated earth contained various artefacts like shell tools and stone axe-heads. Other crucial discoveries included human teeth and charcoal from fires. According to the diary report of Ryan J Wheeler, one of the archeologists who participatred in the escavation, they also found '.some concrete, modern glass, and other construction fill, lower portions produced nineteenth century materials, including the fragmentary neck of a blown green glass bottle and a wire-wound glass button, probably from a ladies' blouse or jacket. (Wheeler). A controversy regarding the preservation of the site ensued, especially after the suggestion by Baumann to relocate the circle to another location for which he offered to pay the expenses so that he could pursue the construction of the condominium. But there was a general resentment among the general public which included archaelogists, native americans, new agers and school children. And the State the State of Florida Preservation 2000 land acquisition program had to purchase the disputed site from Bachmann for $26.7 million. The radiocarbon dating, conduct... However, the argument that the holes belonged to the modern age was further disputed by Tom Scott and Harvey Means, Florida Geological Survey, who brought to light the fact that there was a buildup of a calcite duracrust on the edge of the cut face, which cannot happen in the case of modern objects. The artefacts that were found are supposed to belong the Tequesta native group which existed prior to the European settlement of the area. But to come to such a conclusion, other possibilities were to be discounted. There is no proof that native North Americans built such permanent structures so long ago. And the hypothesis that the site could have belonged to the Olemec or Mayan civilizations was more or less ruled out as there was no evidence of any artefact belonging to Cetral American origin on the site. According to Bob Carr, "Mayan architecture is always rectilinear, except for the observatory in the Yucatan, so really nothing about this fits a Mayan connection." He thinks that the references to Mayan civilization in this context are "just an exotic way to explain it." (Nimnicht). There exists an argument that the holes were postholes of some structure, some sort a foundation for a building. Another hint is that it could have been a burial site, but the excavators could find o nly a five-foot long shark skeleton, a dolphin skull and a complete carapace of a sea turtle. Apart from the four human teeth found on the site, nothing confirmed to the idea that it could have a common burial ground.The controversy regarding the decision of the Sate to spend a phenomenal amount on the project reached its height with the hunch by the University of Florida archaeologist Jerald T Milanich that the Circle

Prison Overcrowding Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Prison Overcrowding - Research Paper Example Generally, prison overcrowding is not a modern phenomenon because internal insurgencies and wars result in prison overcrowding. But in the modern context, several factors (say, apart from internal insurgencies and wars) force prisons to face the problem of overcrowding. Some people consider that prison overcrowding is deeply rooted in the functioning of the criminal justice system. But some others consider that prison overcrowding reflects the change in governance within the context of the Criminal Justice System. Still, one can see the modern concept of prison privatization curbs the development of the prison system because the government is no longer the protector of the prison system in general. Thesis statement: The research on prison overcrowding proves that the factors like privatization, less capacity of prisons, increase in crime rate, increase in incarceration, ineffective Criminal Justice System, and ineffective planning result in prison overcrowding. First of all, private prisons are entirely different from government prisons because the former is based upon contractual agreements with different government agencies and the latter is under the direct control of the government. This basic difference is exploited by the private prisons because profit (say, based upon the funding from the government) is the ultimate aim. In the beginning, private agencies were allowed to undertake some services related to the prison system like transportation and serving food. During the era of disinvestment, private prisons became popular in the US and UK. Gradually, other developed nations followed this path and private prisons began to flourish in different nations.  

Eight steps in developing effective communications Essay

Eight steps in developing effective communications - Essay Example Eight steps in developing effective communications Sulemana asserts that successful corporate communication plans are those created after a thorough appraisal of a corporation’s former and current strategies of communicating with its customers and employees. He cites a study conducted at Columbia University’s Centre of Continuing Education that found that an excellent communication plan is one that identifies ways that a given company can move from the status quo to its desired point in the future. Salisbury points out that change management is thus successful when it takes into consideration the views of the target group. Furthermore, this helps to cement choices of the kinds of communication styles one wishes to use, the budget, audiences to use and the ways of conducting an appraisal of the communications program. A plan also helps company executives to guard against last minute interruptions or unnecessary changes. They are also able to control effectively the program with great peace of mind. A proper communications strategy is a vital aspect of any company’s success. It determines a company’s perception by the outside world, which in turn determines the company’s reputation as well as profitability. It also enhances teamwork and understanding among the employees helping them to remain highly motivated. As a result, their productivity increases which serve to benefit the company. All companies should consider investing in a communications plan as it certainly has the potential to boost growth.

Crisis Management Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Crisis Management - Essay Example Reputation has now become a ticket to success because it is what earns revenue. A good reputation is built when the company conducts itself in a way it is expected to. Reputation is build and maintained through communication (Coombs, 1995). The accounting theory creates assumptions, methodologies and frameworks that businesses should use when applying the financial principles (Benoit, 2000). This aids in providing information that is objective, reliable, timely, clear, consistent and comparable. It is necessary to provide this information so that the stake holders, namely trade creditors, financial creditors, employees, shareholders, trade unions, the present and the current investors, can make decisions based on that information. The information released is not only used for outsiders, but it may also be used internally in order to correct the things and decisions that are wrong. In this sense, this accounting theory informs the discussion of this paper by emphasising on the importa nce of information and communication in decision making. A crisis is that unfortunate situation that has created a threat to an organisation and its clients, and the organisations' management has to respond to the ongoing threat (Hooghiemstra, 2000). Action has to be taken otherwise the problem was not a threat to be categorised as a crisis. The structural functional systems theory provides some insight into crisis management. It emphasises information flow in an organisation through patterns called networks. It implies that companies with rich communication channels that are clear are able to handle crises better than those who do not. The diffusion innovation theory informs the theoretical framework of this study by providing and describing that innovation is disseminated and communicated only through certain channels over a period of time making consistency of essence (Benoit, 1995). The Case Context This study will examine a case where there was a crisis and how well, or otherwi se, was it handled. The case chosen is that of Toyota crisis of 2010 involving faulty accelerators and braking systems. On 29th August 2009, a police patrol officer Mark Saylor was cruising down the highway at well over 100 kph when he realised that the breaks were not working and that the accelerator was stuck in. It finally ended up crashing on another car killing four people. This was the onset of this crisis as several other accidents followed in that month up to the end of the year before the Toyota Company decided to recall all the Toyota models that had been affected by that defect (McDonald, 2010). Data It is only after a hyped media reporting that Toyota came out publicly to admit that there was a problem. This was in January 2010, and 34 drivers had already lost their lives. It was clear that Toyota was in a crisis, and it owed it to its customers and the society at large to take action. It therefore, took the high road action of recalling more than 16 million vehicles wor ldwide with 10 million of those being in the US (Bensinger, 2010). At this time, the crisis was already at an advanced stage but Toyota being a market leader in Automobile manufacturers had its image, identity and reputation at stake. The only available measure was to hold a press release in which they were to admit that there were vehicles that were manufactured at a certain period of time and had unintended accelerators and faulty breaking system (McDonald, 2010). On February 1 2010, Jim Lentz, Toyota’s CEO in America held a press release meeting on behalf of Toyota’

Analyze the data in paragraphs Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Analyze the data in paragraphs - Essay Example When asked whether ELI classrooms temperature is usually suitable, 4 out of 30(13%) of the students agreed that the temperature is ok, 22 out of 30(74%) disagreed and thought that the temperature is not suitable and 4 out of 30(13%) were neutral. The fourth question was about whether ELI classrooms are provided with comfortable chairs and tables.9 out of 30(30%) of students interviewed answered in the affirmative, 14 out of 30(47%) of the students did not think that the tables and chairs are comfortable and 7 out of 30(23%) were undecided and hence neutral. The last question was about whether ELI classrooms are near to each other and usually taken in same building.8 out of 30(27%) replied in the affirmative,16 out of 30(53%) disagreed and 6 out of 30(20%) were neutral. The survey clearly indicates that ELI classrooms temperature is not suitable to most students and also the classrooms should be provided with comfortable chairs and tables. Majority of the students (53%) also do not think that ELI classrooms are near to each other and usually taken in same building. This should also be evaluated and implemented by concerned party, since it touches on the well being of the students directly, which is very crucial for their learning process. The ELI classrooms are however designed to be comfortable and practical for most students and are well equipped with technical tools which help in learning

Licensure, Certification and Accreditation Essay

Licensure, Certification and Accreditation - Essay Example The principal focus of all standards developed for the JCAHO is supposed to be on the patient. While the specifics of a standard for a particular performance area may emphasize the clinical or operational aspects of that performance area, the ultimate intent of the performance standard, according to the JCAHO, is the outcome for the patient (Joint Commission on Accreditation of Health Organizations, 1996b). As a part of its health care accreditation program, the JCAHO began almost decade ago to require health care institutions to report sentinel events as a part of the JCAHO accreditation watch program. Sentinel events are patient-care errors or accidents that lead to patient death or major injury (Moore, 1998). In theory, the focus on sentinel events may be considered to be a strong point in the hospital accreditation process. In actual application, however, the value to the consumer of the sentinel event focus is weakened considerably. In 1998, the JCAHO issued a revision to its se ntinel event policy that encouraged health care organizations to voluntarily report sentinel events to the JCAHO, while the JCAHO in turn would stop making sentinel events information available to the public. This policy of the JCAHO was just one more example of the health care industry, it lawyers, and it lackeys in government trying to make a silk purse out of a sow ear [e.g., denying public access to specific information about health care mistakes so that the perpetrators of such mistakes could avoid being hauled into court by the people they harm]. Any health care organization that cares about its patients would voluntarily and without any urging of the JCAHO or any other organization develop standard operating procedures and control mechanisms to preclude the occurrence of all medical errors that harm patients. In 1999, the JCAHO published Preventing Adverse Events in Behavioral Health Care: A Systems Approach to Sentinel Events. The manual provides suggestions to health care o rganizations to help them to integrate standards for the prevention of adverse events (sentinel events) and other organizational risk management strategies (HO Releases Manual on Adverse Events999). Now, health care organizations can report sentinel events on line to the JCAHO and save even more money (that they can use to pay their lawyers to continue to shield their errors from the public). One area for which standards are established by the JCAHO is ethics. Ethical standards for health organizations apply to clinical practice, research, and all other aspects of the management of health organizations (Joint Commission on Accreditation of Health Organizations, 1996c). Patient rights and organization ethics are dealt with together by the JCAHO. Since 1991 the JCAHO has required all hospitals to have in place procedures and resources to deal with ethical issues related to patient care. Again, in theory, this approach may be considered to be a strong point in the hospital accreditatio n process. The standards on patient rights were supplemented in 1995 with the requirement that hospitals address issues related to organizational ethics. Organizational ethics requires a hospital to conduct iness relationships with patients and the public in an ethical manneroint Commission on Accreditation of Healthcare Organizations, 1997, p. RI-1). The patient rights ethical standards not only require that hospitals

Commentary on Transcendentalism Throughout Moby Dick Essay Example for Free

Commentary on Transcendentalism Throughout Moby Dick Essay It is quite possible that nothing runs deeper through the veins of Herman Melville than his disdain for anything transcendental. Melville’s belittling of the entire transcendentalist movement is far from sparsely demonstrated throughout the pages of Moby-Dick, in which he strategically points out the intrinsic existence of evil, the asperity of nature and the wrath of the almighty God. To Melville, transcendentalists became a â€Å"guild of self-impostors, with a preposterous rabble of Muggletonian Scots and Yankees, whose vile brogue still the more bestreaks the stripedness of their Greek or German Neoplatonic originals† (â€Å"Herman Melville† 2350). Transcendentalists went beyond denying the doleful possibilities of human error and suffering, and it is this ignorant altruism of transcendentalism in its looser grasps which prompted Melville’s scorn. Within the Emersonian school of thought lies the belief that â€Å"[the] ruin or the blank that we see when we look at nature, is in our own eye† (Emerson et al. 81) and that â€Å"the evils of the world are such only to the evil eye† (Emerson et al. 174). Melville, however, believes that on our planet lies an inherent evil, going as far as to say, â€Å"A perfectly good beingwould see no evil. But what did Christ see? He saw what made him weep† (Thompson 2350), pointing out that not only does evil exist, but it exists within Christ, the ultimate symbol of good. Moby Dick, the white whale itself, is the prosopopeia of evil and malevolence in the universe. All that most maddens and torments; all that stirs up the lees of things; all truth with malice in it; all that cracks the sinews and cakes the brain; all the subtle demonisms of life and thought; all evil, to crazy Ahab, were visibly personified, and made practically assailable in Moby Dick. (Melville 154) Moby Dick is also a depiction of Leviathan, Job’s whale created by God as a malicious symbol of God; Ahab â€Å" sees in Him outrageous strength, with an inscrutable malice sinewing it† (Melville 138), and if God is a representation of the spirit of the world, then within the world must exist â€Å"an inscrutable malice. † Transcendentalists made nature out to be this wondrous, awe-inspiring creation of God whichseeing as he believed God to be more evil than goodis an idea Melville blatantly rejects as a fallacy. Where Emerson says, â€Å" Nature satisfies by its loveliness, and without any mixture of corporeal benefit† (Emerson et al. 107), Melville says, all other earthly huesevery stately or lovely emblazoningthe sweet tinges of sunset skies and woods; yea, and the gilded velvets of butterflies, and the butterfly cheeks of young girls; all these are but the subtle deceits, not actually inherent in substances, but laid on from without; so that all deified Nature absolutely paints like the harlot, whose allurements cover nothing but the charnel-house within. (Melville 164) When sent out to sea, the Pequod and its crew were faced by the nature of which Melville speaksa nature that, at times, seems to â€Å"gild the surface of the water with enchantment, and causes even the wary hunter to have a land-like feeling toward the sea† (â€Å"Herman Melville† 2351), but is actually veils behind which God hides and constantly threatens to unleash his ambiguous animosity. It is the whale, a product of God and nature, that has reaped the leg of Ahab, that lashes out with the force of a thousand men. It is the beguiling call of nature that lulls the absent minded youth into an opium-like reverie by the blending cadence of waves with thoughts until he loses his identity and takes it upon himself to take the ocean at his feet for the deep, blue bottom that pervades mankind (Melville 134-135); calms are crossed by storms, a storm for every calm. Furthermore, Melville ridicules the transcendentalists for their blindness to the rest of the world. The transcendentalists saw only the world through the â€Å"dimensions of a sturdy window in Concord† (â€Å"Herman Melville† 2394). Melville could depict the true attributes of nature in a more scrupulous manner, for he had left his home in New England and sailed around the world. When Emerson claimed that the poet â€Å"disposes very easily of the most disagreeable facts,† it prompted Melville to respond, â€Å"So it would seem. In this sense, Mr. E is a great poet† (Thompson 443). Though a seemingly of a seemingly different nature, passions, desires, appetites, and senses of the flesh are a part of nature nonetheless: they are instincts, a natural part behind the drive of man. â€Å" [All] deep, earnest thinking [that] is but the intrepid effort of the soul to keep the open independence of her sea; while the wildest winds of heaven and earth conspire to cast her upon the slavish shore† (Melville 95). It is this natural drive that keeps man from falling under the spiritual drive, this tyrannous and brutal enslavement of this wrathful God, for â€Å"natural or carnal men are without God in the world† (Alma 41:11). It seems as though Melville has an everlasting quarrel with God. Throughout Ahab’s quest for the white whale, Melville has shown his own personal independence from the authoritarianism of Christian dogma. It is apparent that religious conventionalism was Melville’s favourite target for satire, but largely because he saw himself in competition with it. His own genius was deeply religious and the Bible seemed to serve the deepest purpose in Moby-Dick. Melville was caught in a vicious battle that he created and could not win. He started by loving God, then moved to hating God, progressed into a complete detachment from Godfeeling neither love nor hate. He grew to hate his detachment and decided that God might indeed be lovable, and so the vicious cycle repeats (Thompson 148-149). Thompson concludes, â€Å"The underlying theme in Moby-Dick correlates the notions thatGod in his infinite malice asserts a sovereign tyranny over man and that most men are seduced into the mistaken view that this divine tyranny is benevolent and therefore acceptable† (242). Melville agreed with the transcendentalists that the spirit is substance, but he began to diverge from the transcendental conclusion that its effect on man was benevolent. Moby-Dick tells not only the story of the ventures of the Pequod and its crew, but also of Melville himself. It captures all of Melville’s personal contempt toward the entire transcendentalist movement, and demonstrates his realistic recognition of evil through the symbolism of the whale, his struggle with religion through the use of ontological heroics, and his less-than-altruistic ideas of nature through the use of sheer logic. It is the perfect emblem for his gratitude for rationalism and respect for realism. â€Å"Oh, the rare old Whale, mid storm and gale In his ocean home will be A giant in might, where might is right, And King of the Boundless sea. † WHALE SONG Works Cited. Emerson, Ralph Waldo, Atkinson Brojoks, Edward Waldo Emerson. The Essential Writings of Ralph Waldo Emerson. New York: Random House Digital, Inc. , 2000. Print. â€Å"Herman Melville. † World Literature Criticism. 1st ed. 1992. Print. Melville, Herman. Moby-Dick. Mineola: Dover Publications, Inc. , 2003. Print. Myerson, Joel, Sandra Harbert Petrulionis, and Laura Dassow Walls. The Oxford Handbook of Transcendentalism. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012. Print. The King James Bible. Susan Jones. New York: Doubleday, 1985. Print. Thompson, Lawrence. Melville’s Quarrel With God. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1952. Print.